“I love money. I love money more than the things it can buy.”

I’m late getting to the essay on libertarianism by Nick Gillespie and Matt Welch from Sunday’s Washington Post. Leaving definition three in the sub-title aside (I am not infatuated with Ron Paul because he is not a libertarian¹.), the opening paragraph is a useful path to a broader discussion of libertarianism:

How to make sense of the Ron Paul revolution? What’s behind the improbably successful (so far) presidential campaign of a 72-year-old 10-term Republican congressman from Texas who pines for the gold standard while drawing praise from another relic from the hyperinflationary 1970s, punk-rocker Johnny Rotten?

Among several positions held by Rep. Paul that I find objectionable, his fondness for the gold standard is silly. The value of gold is subjective, just as the value of dollars or euros or whatever other store of value we’ve agreed upon is subjective. I don’t like gold, aesthetically. I don’t wear jewelry. The only reason I’d need gold is because other people find it valuable. That it possesses value is strictly arbitrary.

I like Jason Kuznicki’s eloquent conclusion (from an unrelated analysis of goldbugs) as a better way of stating why gold isn’t the issue:

… Gold — its weight, its luster, its aura — seems to endure. It may or may not be a technically feasible as a money any longer, but as a throwback to a more certain age, it’ll obviously do. The modern-day goldbugs have all of the anxieties provoked by Austrian economics, but none of its epistemic complexity. Those who wish to preserve something of value should be partisans not of gold, but of the civil society and the market that make money of any type worth holding.

That last sentence, especially.

P.S. Title reference here.

¹ For example:

But his philosophy of principled libertarianism is anything but negative: It’s predicated on the fundamental notion that a smaller government allows individuals the freedom to pursue happiness as they see fit.

Rep. Paul believes in a smaller government. He does not connect that with individual liberty. On several fundamental rights, he is content to allow states to interfere as long as it’s “democratic” interference. But the root of libertarianism is liberty. Smaller government generally makes liberty more likely, but protection of rights must be primary. If a state seeks to deny rights to the minority at the whim of the majority, the federal government’s power to prohibit that is legitimate.

To be fair, I think Rep. Paul encourages useful debate. I just wish he weren’t incorrectly labeled something he is not.

Random Bits

First, courtesy of John Cole, Virginia Republicans have a novel idea:

The State Board of Elections on Monday approved a state Republican Party request to require all who apply for a GOP primary ballot first vow in writing that they’ll vote for the party’s presidential nominee next fall.

There’s no practical way to enforce the oath. Virginia doesn’t require voters to register by party, and for years the state’s Republicans have fretted that Democrats might meddle in their open primaries.

I’ve voted in both Democratic and Republican primaries in the past. I planned to vote in one or the other next year to vote for the least objectionable candidate, a stance I don’t expect to carry out next November. Now I’m certain I’ll vote in the Republican primary. If they’re not compelled to keep their promises or act ethically, why should I grant them as much in my vote?

Next, grow up:

The Democratic National Committee, finding itself in the middle of labor disputes between television writers and CBS, announced this evening that it was canceling the debate among Democratic presidential candidates that had been scheduled to be broadcast on some of the network’s stations on Dec. 10.

The last thing we need is another of these press conferences, but seriously, grow up. This is why Democrats are no better than Republicans and why, in the face of colossal mistakes by Republicans, Democrats haven’t dominated. Stop worrying about meaningless appearances and act like a leader. It’s tough and ugly to do so, but it’s all that’s effective in the end. And it’s the only thing that will ever earn my vote again.

Last, Quote of the Day:

There’s a disturbing tendency to think that every problem is the result of inadequate regulation.

The quote is from Megan McArdle regarding sub-prime lending and what some think Alan Greenspan should have done to prevent it, but that line is more than serviceable in so many areas.

Build the proper framework or beware the outcome.

Perhaps he should work on his marketing technique:

MEANS-TESTING GAINS in both parties as long-term entitlement fix.

Republican Sen. Ensign of Nevada pushes plan to charge affluent beneficiaries more for Medicare prescription-drug coverage. “It makes no sense for Bill Gates’s father to have his prescription drugs paid for by a schoolteacher or a firefighter or a police officer,” the senator says.

Why is the reference here to Bill Gates’s father? I’m all for the basic message of means testing government entitlement payments, but how is suggesting that a son should financially take care of his father any more enlightened than suggesting government should take care of him? Neither example expects the individual to provide for himself. Of course Bill Gates should pay for his own prescriptions, but his money has no bearing on the political legitimacy of his father’s claim to government benefits.

Link via Megan McArdle.

Striking the Free Market

I’ve only followed the current Writers Guild of America strike in passing. Mostly I lament the impending doom that is no new episodes of How I Met Your Mother, The Big Bang Theory, Heroes, Journeyman, House, Pushing Daisies, and The Office. Still, I sympathize with the writers. I think what they’re asking for is fair and at least what I’d want in their position. I wish them luck.

However, they’re to blame for their own mess. This is what happens when unions interfere. The Us vs. Them mentality never succeeds long-term precisely because it creates Us vs. Them as the prevailing narrative. Perhaps management is to blame for the initial escalation. I suspect that’s often true, although I’m basing my assumption on no investigation of facts. The desire to get something for as little as possible is universal. No surprise there.

The writers have something of value, which is why they’re now withholding their services. I don’t care if people want to group themselves together, letting the superior talents of the few balance the lesser talents of the many. Take the successful screenwriter and use her as leverage to get the non-working scriptwriter better compensation. It’s not a deal I’d make, even though I have no illusions that I could be the former in my scenario, as opposed to the latter. But talent is always the biggest bargaining chip. Make a concession on that to pull up those who maybe shouldn’t be in the field and you’ve traded your strength for goodwill. I don’t understand that.

I believe in a market price. In this case, producers have a range within which they’re willing to pay. Writers have a range within which they’re willing to write. Somewhere there’s a deal to be made. Or not. The “or not” is the key. Unionization hampers the realization that someone’s expectations may be broken. As I implied earlier, I think that’s the producers in this case, because it’s reasonable for writers to receive compensation if producers use their work on the Internet or on DVD.

Harold Meyerson (predictably) takes up the WGA cause in today’s column. I could’ve guessed his conclusion before reading the first word, but here’s what he concluded:

Nations with more high-tech economies than our own, such as the Scandinavian states, have upgraded technology and increased productivity in ways that have enhanced, rather than diminished, the bargaining power and lives of their workers. In the United States, by contrast, our corporate elites, sometimes using technological innovation as a pretext for their power grabs, have destroyed workers’ bargaining power and kept for themselves almost all the revenue from technologically driven productivity increases. The picketers at Paramount and Disney may look to be a chorus line of wise-asses, but their struggle is a deadly serious test of whether any American workers retain the clout to strike a deal with the unchecked greed that is the modern American corporation.

Reference to any type of elites disqualifies your argument from serious consideration, in most cases. I’m simply not interested in entertaining conspiracy theories as a default.

That said, Meyerson offers the refutation of his own conclusion a few paragraphs earlier in his essay:

“Our current bargaining agreement doesn’t give us jurisdiction over content written for new media,” says Tony Segall, general counsel of the Writers Guild of America West. A side letter appended in 2001 to the guild’s contract with the studios exempted the studios from having to bargain with the union over the paychecks of writers turning out material for the Web, which the insufficiently futurist leadership of the guild (since replaced) apparently viewed as a distant prospect.

Is this not proof of what can happen when you turn over your individual bargaining power to the unchecked power of another? Leaving aside the reasonableness of the WGA’s demands, they created their own mess through unionization.

Meyerson also provides an example of free market principles, which he uses to explain only corporate greed.

Last year, however, NBC-Universal asked the writers of “The Office” to create two-to-three-minute “webisodes” of the series for the Internet. Though the webisodes drove up the show’s ratings, the studio paid the writers nothing for their work. The writers, not surprisingly, ceased their webisode writing; the guild sought to negotiate for them with NBC-Universal and got nowhere fast; and the issue of the writers’ right to bargain collectively for Internet work became the crux of the writers’ conflict with the studios.

Assuming no pre-existing contractual obligations for web content, won’t the writers have power without a strike to demand payment? I wouldn’t be so silly as to suggest that writers provide the web content for free to generate higher salaries for a show with improved ratings. Actually…

The problem with unions is that they’re not dynamic enough to keep up with the marketplace. They can’t handle innovation in anything other than hindsight. As a result, they create unnecessary problems and constraints. The current situation with the WGA is just further evidence.

Simple Arithmetic Without the Economics

Writing on the implications of the proposed Sirius-XM merger, Marc Fisher engages in a discussion of competition based on dubious assumptions. Consider:

Think about it: Can you name one example of a new consumer technology that was guaranteed to a single provider and still served customers well? (Don’t everyone say “cable TV” at once.)

Fair enough on the surface, but how is it economically any more sane to guarantee two and only two competitors in a new consumer technology, as the FCC did? How might the market have shaped up had the federal government not impeded the natural development of satellite radio? We’ll never know, of course, but that isn’t sufficient to say we’ve achieved the optimal market condition. Only the central planner is so presumptuous as to assume such nonsense.

[Sirius CEO Mel] Karmazin, who would be chief executive of the combined satellite provider and is leading the charge for a merger, counters that listeners would benefit by getting the best of both services without having to pay for two subscriptions. To bolster that claim, the companies propose a menu of pricing options: Subscribers could keep their current service at the same price they pay now; add the “best of” the other service for an extra $4 a month; or choose to get fewer channels at a lower price. But while the companies tout these choices as the a la carte offering that cable TV has never consented to, the fact remains that if you want more channels under a combined XM-Sirius operation, you will have to pay more.

I think that last argument is supposed to be a zinger. If you want more, you must pay more. Holy Batman, the injustice! It’s good to clear that up, since under the current dictate from the FCC, if I want more channels, I have to pay… more? Oh, wait.

The danger in offering packages with fewer channels is the same risk cable TV companies have warned against for years: If consumers can pick and choose channels, that undermines the whole business, because inevitably, the bulk of the audience will spend most of their time listening to a relative handful of channels. Less popular channels, now subsidized by a flat subscription fee, would wither away.

We must have competition, except when it interferes with anyone’s preference for what should be offered.

How long would more obscure, low-rated satellite programming such as Sirius’s Underground Garage rock or NPR Talk channels or XM’s Cinemagic movie music or choral classical outlets survive in a monopoly, a la carte system? And if the range of programming narrows, what is satellite offering that AM and FM do not?

And if a merged Sirius-XM stopped offering content compelling enough to “force” people to pay, wouldn’t the departure of subscribers to free radio be a fairly important incentive to offer more content? How does this competition thing work again?

Virtually anyone can start an Internet radio station these days [ed. note: if you can afford the exorbitant royalty fees for a format that generates little revenue.] and play an intriguing mix of music. But only XM and Sirius — and National Public Radio, perhaps — have the resources to produce a great range of creative, professionally produced programming: Bob Dylan’s explorations in music and storytelling on XM; original radio dramas; XM’s Artist Confidential series of sessions with big-name performers; and specialized programs for truckers, gays, Latinos, NASCAR fans, Broadway lovers, opera buffs, movie-music mavens, presidential campaign addicts and on and on.

That programming diversity is what justifies giving XM and Sirius a chunk of the government-licensed radio spectrum. …

No, the central planner’s belief that such programming diversity is the correct mix for customers, whether customers want it in sufficient quantity to justify its cost, is the excuse offered to perpetuate a two – and only two – competitor market. This, despite the evidence cited earlier in the essay that most subscribers to either service listen to a small subset of the offered channels.

… Reducing the two services to a satellite monopoly will inevitably bring about a diminution of choices, along with higher prices. …

This is a blanket statement unsupported by the case made in the essay. Prices only rise if the subscriber wants more content. I know I’m supposed to be outraged by that, but I’m not. And if the merged company dumps the niche programming he likes, he cancels his subscription. That’s a useful signal to the company. If it happens enough, imagine how the company might respond with some combination of more content and lower prices. But that only occurs if there are two – and only two – competitors. Because that’s the free market.

… At XM’s Washington headquarters, the number of producers and DJs would decline, meaning more formulaic programming — if XM even remained here. How long would Karmazin keep production facilities in both the District and New York, where Sirius is based?

An individual how lives in Butte and wants to hear both Howard Stern and her beloved Pittsburgh Pirates should care about the employment prospects of producers and DJs in the Washington, DC area, why? Based on what Sirius and XM have said, she could get both for less money than she would have to pay now, but only if the companies merge. How is she harmed?

Aside from the gain I’d likely receive as a Sirius investor and the definitive gain I’d receive if my Sirius subscription included Major League Baseball, this merger should occur because the government has no legitimate basis to be involved, much less deny a free market outcome based on some subjective criteria of consumer benefit.

Circumcision: The Ongoing Class War

From a Time article on circumcision:

Medicaid no longer covers the surgery routinely, leaving many poor children without the option.

Poor (and rich) children, when left with the option, choose to do nothing to their foreskin. The author meant to imply that poor parents are less likely to have it done because they can’t afford it. But it is not legitimately their choice.

The article quotes pro-circumcision propagandist Dr. Edgar Schoen¹ on a separate, no less stupid point beyond the scope of this entry. Still, Schoen is a useful figure in the quote from above. He put these nuggets into the circumcision debate, from his book² Ed Schoen, MD on Circumcision:

Since the anti-circumcision groups have been unsuccessful in decreasing circumcision among the general public in the U.S. they have turned their frustration and desperation into an attack on the most vulnerable and defenseless part of the population – poor children. Parents on welfare have no political or economic power, and are at the mercy of State bureaucracies and legislatures for decisions on the medical care of their children. …

Schoen is either intellectually incompetent or intellectually dishonest. He’s graduated from medical school, so he’s clearly not stupid. And he’s been involved in this debate long enough to have encountered more than enough opponents of routine infant circumcision to know that the economic class of the child’s parents is irrelevant. (It is not irrelevant to Schoen, as he’ll demonstrate in a moment in one of his many nods to non-medical excuses.)

Regarding his second statement, children – regardless of economic class – have no political or economic power, and are at the mercy of their parents and medical professionals for decisions on their medical care. That demands that we act conservatively on their behalf. Yet Schoen doesn’t advocate such reservation. Instead, he attempts to score cheap sympathy through blatant mischaracterization.

Some have spoken out against this disregard of the wishes of poor parents. An editorial in the St. Petersburg Times criticized Florida legislators who “never stop boasting about an agenda they say promotes families and “more personal freedom.” Then they halt Medicaid coverage for newborn circumcision – a surgical procedure that the nation’s most respected medical professionals say should be a decision left to families and their doctors.” In quoting one state legislator who said that halting funding for circumcision was a “no-brainer” the editorial went on to say: “This is a terrible message – that poor people don’t deserve the right to make a medical, cultural, and religious choice that is available to everyone else.” So much for the claim of the anti-circumcision groups that they are out to protect the rights of the child.

Letting parents remove their son’s healthy foreskin promotes more personal freedom. For whom, the parents and their non-existent “right” to circumcise or children and their valid right to remain free from harm? And note the quoted editorial’s opinion that denying state funding is “denying the right” to circumcise. I admit I seek to deny this “right”, but I can only pray it gets that easy some day. Refusing to finance circumcision is not the same as prohibiting circumcision.

Also note Schoen’s dishonesty in his last sentence. The child has a “right” to be circumcised. I’ve witnessed more intelligent taunts on an elementary schoolyard, but this nonsense appears every so often under the belief that parents are denying the boy the chance to grow up circumcised, with all the subjective benefits. Frankly, I think this is idiocy because anecdotal evidence that intact men almost never choose circumcision supports the principle the every individual should be free from harm. The right to grow up with the healthy body you’re born with is easily defended. The alleged right to grow up with less of the healthy body you’re born with is not, absent parental psychic powers.

With the great majority of mainstream, middle class boys in the U.S. being circumcised, an uncircumcised [sic] boy in this country is marked as either an immigrant, a son of recent immigrants or a child of poverty (with the exception of a few middle class followers of the anti-circ movement). To cope with this social disadvantage of the foreskin, some poor parents, sadly and courageously, have scraped together enough money to pay for newborn circumcision from their meager assets, in order to giver their sons the appearance of mainstream American boys. The cost of newborn circumcision for middle class boys is covered by health insurance but in 13 states poor parents will have to raise the money themselves if they want their sons circumcised.

Of course, the locker room teasing theory. It’s “American” to circumcise, except for the few middle-class followers who reject circumcision. The “appearance of mainstream American boys” is a goal worth pursuing, so much that poor families should spend their meager assets on medically unnecessary surgery for a child who can’t consent. I can see the advertising now: “Can’t afford a BMW? Don’t worry, your kid’s circumcised penis can show that you’re upwardly mobile!” The mind reels at such stupidity.

But look past the supposedly distasteful class warfare he so readily uses to bludgeon infant circumcision opponents, he undermines his arguments by admitting that poor parents can and do circumcise their children, in spite of not having government funding. The debate becomes a legal/political/economic issue. He’s moved beyond medical facts – those he acknowledges – yet is unencumbered by the absurdity of the doctor as sage mentality. He thinks parents should choose, but there is only one correct choice. He’d be more honest if he advocated for mandatory circumcision of all infant males.

The anti-circumcision groups have argued unsuccessfully that by agreeing to have their newborn sons circumcised, parents are robbing the infants of their human rights. In a brazen example of hypocrisy apparently they feel that newborns should have the right to choose or refuse circumcision, but not poor people. The opponents of circumcision have met with some success in punishing the weak and helpless, but have had no effect on the general American public.

I didn’t understand it when I first read Schoen’s book, and I don’t understand it now. How are opponents of infant circumcision hypocritical? Schoen inserted class into the discussion.

This “infant circumcision opponents hate poor people” canard is a classic straw man, but it’s so pathetically transparent that even a moment’s thought destroys it all. Yet, he’s quoted as an expert in Time magazine and anyone who believes children should keep their choice when surgery isn’t medically necessary must defend the normal against the common, as if we’ve lost our minds and might come back to the “reasonable” view that parents have a right to surgically alter their healthy children if we’re humored long enough.

¹ I will not link to his website, where, like he does in his books, he selectively omits any information damaging to his maniacal pursuit to have all boys circumcised.

² Schoen, MD, Ed. Ed Schoen, MD on Circumcision. Berkeley: RDR Books, 2005, pp. 82-84.

Different Responses to the Same Exposure to Risk

This story is from last week, but it’s too useful to ignore:

As the wildfires that ravaged Southern California for five days lost momentum yesterday, representatives of the insurance industry said the estimated $1 billion in fire damage would have little if any impact on homeowners’ rates in California or the rest of the nation.

“It’s well within the range of losses we expect to see in California every few years,” said economist Robert Hartwig, president of the Insurance Information Institute. “That means the rate in this area is already reflected with the risk associated with wildfires.”

Private businesses have an incentive to plan for the possibility that risk will turn into reality. This should not shock anyone, yet we constantly hear calls for government interference. Generally it’s because people are too immature to pay the full cost of their risky decisions, but the next line of the article offers another complaint.

After Hurricane Katrina and the Florida hurricanes in 2004 and 2005, insurance premiums in the Gulf area and parts of Florida doubled over three years, according to institute records. When 2006 turned out to be relatively hurricane-free, the higher premiums contributed to record insurance-industry profits.

Nowhere in the article does it indicate the likelihood those “record” profits will be later offset by record losses if another Hurricane Katrina occurs. Nor is there mention that the chance of such extreme devastation occurring again is increased by the political insistence on subsidizing the higher risk of living in an area like New Orleans to avoid asking some voters to pay for their own life choices.

On Shaky Ground on Economics

It doesn’t really matter the subject (irresponsible home building/buying in California, in this case) , Harold Meyerson can always be counted on to blame the wrong person:

Half a century ago, Californians understood what it took to create a great state. Taxpayers funded the nation’s best highway network, water system and public universities. The state’s population exploded in the greatest home-construction boom in history, under a system of mortgages that the federal government tightly regulated. A sustainable California will require a return to the policies of public investment and financial regulation that built the postwar paradise between the Sierras and the sea.

In other words, Californians have tried that whole free-market thing, but it didn’t work out. It’s about time they started instituting just a little government control over something, rather than the chaos currently permitted by California’s lax control over the lives of its citizens.

Trying to reduce your party is an interesting tactic for electoral success.

Harold Meyerson does not want you to see that there are (at least) two parties in every transaction.

The problem is that the drift of much of Wall Street toward the Democrats on noneconomic issues coincides with Wall Street’s creation of inscrutable and unregulated investment devices that imperil the entire economy, as the current mortgage crisis makes painfully clear.

It’s exclusively Wall Street’s fault for creating a new financial product with contractual terms that new home buyers willingly agreed to pay? Interesting theory, but what about the portions of Wall Street that entered these crisis-inducing contracts? Are they feeling no pain? On the probably unlikely chance that they are, might that act as an incentive to better think through future innovations? (Excuse me, inscrutable and unregulated investment devices.) At a minimum, might those home buyers now feeling the pain of their financial mistake learn something useful for making the economy work better in the future?

In the context of the essay, which discusses the looming Democratic choice to nominate two SEC commissioners, Meyerson concludes with this:

If the financial industry prevails, it will also leave the Democrats having to answer an awkward question going into the 2008 elections: Why does America need two parties that represent Wall Street?

Probably because all Americans benefit from the economic success created through increased efficiency and innovation offered by Wall Street.

Beware of marketing over facts.

Any entry dealing with Harold Meyerson involves a man who never met a government solution that didn’t deserve to find a problem to address. It’s worth remembering.

In today’s Washington Post, Mr. Meyerson offers this:

My conservative brethren in the op-ed commentariat have made a disquieting discovery: The Republican candidates for president are saying nothing that addresses the economic anxieties of the American middle class. Both David Brooks and Michael Gerson, writing last Friday in the New York Times and The Post, respectively, expressed a mixture of amazement and horror at the disdain that the candidates display toward broadly centrist proposals to bolster Americans’ economic security, and at the candidates’ apparent indifference to their need to craft such proposals of their own.

How about this for the middle class: Discover a solution for whatever worries you. Invest. Save. Spend. Follow your bliss. Become a miser. Whatever. You have the power. Government doesn’t have the power. We’ll only make things worse. Rely on us and we’ll be back here in four years with greater anxieties.

Naturally, that can’t work because it’s realistic. Instead, we’re supposed to be thankful that there are broadly centrist proposals, which is an unfortunate euphemism for central planning to the needs of one group at the expense of the others. Yet, Mr. Meyerson wants us to agree with this:

“The Democrats propose something” such as expanding health-care coverage for children or providing federal matching funds for 401(k) accounts for families of modest means, bemoaned Brooks, “and the Republicans have no alternative.” Gerson grumbled that the candidates were taking gleeful potshots at the “baby bonds” notion — providing newborns with small savings accounts — that Hillary Clinton briefly floated, despite the fact that the idea has won support from the right as well as the left.

Expanding health care coverage for children. Nope, can’t oppose that, even though the existing program covers poor kids. The expansion would involve reaching into the middle class, presumably to cure their anxieties rather than to purchase their votes in exchange for individual responsibility. It’s for the children.

Federal matching funds for 401(k) accounts for families of “modest means” is nothing more than a transfer from “the rich” to the “poor”, as defined by a politician. It doesn’t matter if “the rich” live in a high-cost of living area or use their funds to invest in new businesses that will employ those of “modest means”. No, a straight wealth transfer is enlightened statecraft.

I’m amazed that Mr. Meyerson is bold enough to endorse baby bonds. While it’s amusing to assume that $5,000 is a small amount, when multiplied by the roughly 4,000,000 babies born each year, $20,000,000,000 is not a small amount. Even if we ignored mathematics, Sen. Clinton has already abandoned the idea. I’d like to see the support she received from the right that’s so convincing she dropped the plan immediately.

As a road map to governance, this is both dim and skimpy. President Giuliani, Romney, McCain or Thompson can reliably be counted on to be against whatever Clinton is for. Beyond that, if we total up their domestic and economic policy proposals, they intend to do almost nothing at all.

If they weren’t raving lunatics, charlatans, or both, I’d say “Great, where do I check their name on my ballot.”

What unites these positions is more than just a common opposition to Hillary’s (or John Edwards’s or Barack Obama’s) proposals for universal coverage. They also adhere to the fundamental Republican laws handed down by Goldwater and Reagan: All government interventions on behalf of the people are inherently wrong. They erode freedom. The market can do a better job of whatever it is that needs doing.

Yes.

What the Republican field fails to realize is that the America that Goldwater and Reagan defended against the presumed predations of government no longer exists. …

Uh-oh.

… When Barry and Ronnie walked the earth, most Americans had enduring relations with their employers (ensured, in many cases, by a union contract), and their employers often provided them with health benefits and a pension. …

Where has that gotten us? People become uninsured the moment they change or lose a job. This is a condition FDR created with the New Deal. And there are underfunded pensions that one could arguably say came about because individuals punted control of that part of their life to someone else who may or may not have the individual’s best interest as prime motivation.

… Clearly, the private sector that Barry and Ron extolled while denouncing government ain’t what it used to be, and Americans know it.

No doubt the quickening creep of the federal government into all areas of economic life has nothing to do with that.

By the evidence of all polls, Americans are now looking more to government to provide, at least in health care, some of the security that employers used to offer.

Trading one parent for another is a good idea? Why? I’m not interested in letting people who are too immature to manage their own lives have the reigns of mine, as well.

A recent Wall Street Journal-NBC News poll even showed that 59 percent of Republicans believe that foreign trade is bad for the U.S. economy, vs. just 32 percent who think it’s good.

If it’s to be believed, 59% of Republicans are idiots on this issue.

So, the short version is that Harold Meyerson still thinks government is benevolent and politicians won’t sell out today’s voter with a transfer of those promises to tomorrow’s voter.